The warmer move, reached between the People's Action Party (PAP) and its main Workers' Party rival, is seen as a temporary strategy rather than any lasting understanding.

It will not end their long-time – albeit uneven – political rivalry of five decades, which in fact will likely hot up again when the next election rolls around in 2011.

After decades of withholding public funds to opposition constituencies, the People's Action Party has relented by offering to work with them to create a barrier-free environment for the elderly and the disabled.

It is regarded as a one-off step to help the aged and needy rather than a PAP change of policy to treat all voters equally, irrespective of who they had voted for.

It is a minor move but one that represents a political milestone, coming from a party that is known for its harsh treatment of the opposition.

Although Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew retains a powerful influence, the day-to-day government is in the hands of a more open set of leaders who are closer to the voters.

The PAP faces more pressures from the young for more freeing up of a system that was put in place by Lee.

The decision was said to have come from local PAP leaders, but in Singapore's context, it is more likely to have been a leadership initiative.

The money will come from a fund that is under the purview of the National Development Ministry. The government has often been accused of holding back taxpayer funds to punish voters for their choice.

The announcement has come as a surprise to many Singaporeans at a time when public criticism is running high over widespread price rises and a spate of unpopular policies.

Despite winning 82 out of 84 seats in 2006, the PAP saw its popular votes falling by 9% – the biggest decline since 1984.

The Workers' Party, which has just celebrated its 50th Anniversary, is also running into flak from younger Singaporeans for being too passive and reticent in opposing the PAP.

Low Thia Kiang, its chief and a popular Chinese-educated grassroots politician, is nothing like his fiery predecessor, J.B. Jeyaratnam, who left in 2001 after being made a bankrupt for defaming Lee and other leaders.

Younger supporters, who are mostly professionals, dislike his low profile, non-confrontational style and want him to speak out more forcefully against the government.

Low, however, remains a popular figure with his simple, heartland appeal and realistic view of his party's weakness. "It'll take 20 years to be like the PAP," he conceded.

Many Singaporeans have a habit of complaining without making a stand.

Low said his plan is to win a Group Representation Constituency (GRC) of five or six seats in 2011.

"In my view, as long as the opposition is unable to secure a breakthrough in a GRC, it will remain a marginal player and at risk of extinction one day," he said.

Low's modesty is based on realistic assessments. The ruling party's hold on power appears unbreakable. It has vast resources, able and efficient leadership and plans ahead.

But it has also an overwhelming – even unfair - array of electoral laws and budgetary advantages that few opposition candidates could beat without mass disaffection.

In addition, it was able to distribute cash and savings top-ups for citizens just before polling that ranged from hundreds to thousands of dollars per family.

The reaction from the lower middle class has been predictable.

Low's target of winning a team constituency is an uphill task – but not an impossible one, given the current mood of Singaporeans embittered by a spate of unpopular government measures.

For the coming years, politics in Singapore will still be determined by the people's attitude towards the ruling giant rather than what the opposition does.

If they are happy with the PAP, opposition votes will drop, but if they are disenchanted – as they are now – they could go down.

Low – with leadership style a mixture of heartland appeal and good grassroots organisation – could just pull off a surprise. For one thing, he has succeeded in attracting a number of young articulate professionals.

What Low does has already had an impact on the level of mainstream politics. Gone are the days of demonstrations and heated quarrels over race and religion.

The Internet has emerged as an increasingly effective arena to win hearts and mind. This has actually diluted some of the PAP's dominance.

In fact, the forces in blogosphere have been much more outspoken against the government than the opposition.

Is keeping a low profile a good strategy for the Workers' Party?

Some analysts think Low will face increasing pressures from some of the young Turks who have joined him. They are impatient for action and not happy having to restrain themselves.

"There will be more pressure on him from younger WP members if they don't see results in the next general election," one WP member was quoted as saying.

One blogger, reflecting a common viewpoint, said: "I think Low is just being realistic. He could make big claims or even set up a shadow cabinet to monitor the PAP.

"But then the people would laugh at his exaggerated vision."

Another suggested: "Since he hasn't the channel or numbers to make a difference, it is smart to keep a low profile and let the public and the Internet do the talking – then reap the election benefits."

o Seah Chiang Nee is a veteran journalist and editor of the information website littlespeck.com

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