Model of our own

• Related Lion City a Mess: Letter

I AM worried. With increasing frequency we are told Singapore sets a good example for Hong Kong. When I question why, I am told I should not worry:

The island republic may have done away with "some of these civil liberties human rights people are so concerned about", but it works well.

I cannot help noticing, however, that some of the people who argue most loudly in favour of the Singapore model tend to be business-people who come from countries with constitutions that enshrine the fundamental freedoms that should be seen as so important to maintaining a stable business environment.

These principles include a free flow of information, an independent judiciary and accountability by government.

It seems clear to me that we should be asking a fundamental question. What would the Singaporean model really mean for Hong Kong?

Sure, one cannot help being impressed by some of Singapore's achievements. Housing, for the majority of people, is better than for many in Hong Kong.

The streets are cleaner - although frequent visitors note seeing more rubbish these days. The air is cleaner (which is not too difficult). It is efficient, more old building have been preserved, the food is great and the people friendly.

In theory, Singapore has a democratic system, at least according to its Government which always points this out to its critics, claiming Singaporeans are able to make changes.

But it is on examination of that system that you start to worry. Over the years the Singapore Government has continually tried to silence critics, creating a climate of fear so pervasive it has affected all sectors of society. Silencing its critics is not a new phenomenon.

Chia Thye Poh, a parliamentarian and a member of the People's Action Party (PAP) - the only party that has ruled Singapore that has ruled Singapore since its independence from British rule in 1961 - became disillusioned with the direction of PAP and with 12 other parliamentarians, decided to form a new group in 1966.

A few weeks later Chia, then 26 years old, was arrested and detained for almost 23 years without charge or trial.

Even today he remains under restrictions relating to his freedom of movement and association. Chia was held under the Internal Security Act, a law inherited from the former British colonial administration and subsequently strengthened by PAP. And Chia is only one of many former political detainees, some of whom are now living in exile.

These days, opposition candidates are slapped with defamation suits and face enormous legal charges.

The leader of Singapore's democratic Party, Chee Soon Juan, had to sell his house to pay about HK$2 million in costs and damages following a defamation suit.

Opposition candidate Tang Liang Hong this month (March 1997) lost 11 defamation suits from present and former ministers, including Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew and his son Lee Hsien Loong.

In Singapore you have nine single-seat constituencies and 15 group representation consituencies (GRC), with each GRC having four to six candidates, making a total of 83 members of parliament.

In the last elections the combined opposition fielded 36 candidates, nine for the single seats and 27 for the GRCs.

As most will know, the Government was returned with an increased majority. The opposition only secured two seats. For PAP, this was used as an endorsement of people's overwhelming support for the Government.

However, independent commentators felt intimidation of voters played a part. With almost 90 per cent of people living in public housing, the Government's election campaign included warnings that opposition-held contituencies would have to wait longest for "upgrading" of their government-built and managed housing estates.

A free press is very important for a democratic society, as that is how the voters make choices. It is also important in the long term for continued economic progress.

On examination of The Straits Times you find little objective analysis, an eschewed view of foreign affairs with selected articles being reprinted from overseas press, with very favourable reporting of government policies and achievements.

Any mistakes by the opposition are highlighted.

Broadcast media also remains tightly controlled. And Singapore's legal system has made court costs prohibitive.

With independence of the judiciary being seen as cornerstone of Hong Kong's future rule of law, it is interesting to note the comment by one international trial observer, "Singapore has all the outward appearances of a proper legal system, but the substance of a real legal system is missing. The substance being the judiciary's need to be impartial."

Fear and regulation have also taken their toll on the non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Singapore.

In Hong Kong social changes have often come about as a result of advocacy by NGOs. Singapore has few NGOs that are organised in the traditional sense and very few international NGOs have a presence there, unlike in Hong Kong.

You have virtuallly no independent trade union organisations, no human rights groups, and few environmental groups.

In repressive societies academic freedom is often curtailed and in Singapore academics who have dared to be outspoken have often not fared very well.

Student unions that in the 1970s participated in raising awareness of student rights are now weak, with students preferring to concentrate on their academic achievements, rather than their wider social education.

Proponents of the Singapore model will say that still, the economic achievements speak for themselves and , yes, they are impressive.

But a sales slump has taken its toll on several retailers, including United States discount chain K-Mart, French department store Galeries Lafayette, the Tanglin General Store owned by Malaysia, Kuok Group and furniture retailer Bolig.

Last year saw Singapore experiencing the country's worst economic slowdown in a decade.

I have lived in Hong Kong for 17 years. I have seen the struggle by many to make the territory such a unique place. I hope we can stimulate debate and, if we really value our freedoms, work towards a "Hong Kong" model.