Many Singaporeans hope the transitions on both sides of the Causeway will result in fresh opportunities to resolve the water and other disputes between the two countries.

In his National Day Rally speech last week, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong gave notice that he would hand over the reins of government to Lee by 2005.

This could happen some 12 to 18 months after Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi assumes the leadership in Malaysia in November. Both men have stayed on good terms and have not been directly involved in previously failed negotiations.

For Singapore, the choice of Lee, 51, has not come as a surprise. He has been waiting on the sidelines for 13 years.

But the younger set here is worried that they may be losing a responsive leader in Goh for a tougher one, who is less tolerant of criticism.

Some even fear a return to the authoritarian-style government of his father, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew.

In his National Day Rally address, Goh, with unprecedented frankness, touched on this point.

“I know that some Singaporeans are uncomfortable with Loong's leadership style. Loong's public persona is that of a no-nonsense, uncompromising and tough Minister,” said Goh in what was probably the most watched programme in TV history here.

Almost every Singaporean adult was glued to the box to listen, not for the leadership change, but to his expected explanation of the state of the economy which remains the biggest concern.

“Singaporeans would like Loong to be more approachable. They have gotten used to my gentler style,” Goh said.

“But it is not fair to expect him to be like me, just as it was not fair to expect me to be like SM (Lee).”

He recalled that in 1990, before he became Prime Minister, “SM advised me to be tough and be feared. But I thought it best to be myself and not try to act tough.”

“In 1988 during a talk to NUS students, SM said I was too ‘wooden’ and advised me to see a psychiatrist, to loosen up. I learnt to loosen up, without seeing a psychiatrist,” Goh said.

He said that, like himself, Hsien Loong would find his own way to establish rapport with Singaporeans. “He is not me, and he is not his father.”

Goh said Loong was aware of the people's perception of him. “We have discussed it frankly among the Ministers. I have told Loong that he has to let his softer side show.

“Already, I see Loong becoming more relaxed in public. During a TV discussion with junior college students last year, he was open and willing to give and take good arguments, often with good humour.”

Then, Goh surprised everyone by stating publicly a widespread rumour (which he denied) that had contributed to the public conception of Hsien Loong being a hot-tempered person.

The rumour started to spread in 1990, Goh said. In it, Hsien Loong was alleged to have quarrelled with (then Finance Minister) Richard Hu and (then National Development Minister) S. Dhanabalan for siding with Hu.

“Loong lost his temper, reached across the table, and gave Dhanabalan a tight slap! The whole Cabinet was thrown into commotion. I then forced Loong to apologise,” Goh said.

“I must be suffering from amnesia. I just cannot remember this incident. Now you know how creative Singaporeans are!”

Goh said he was raising the subject of political succession to prepare Singaporeans for change.

“Ideally, I would like to give my successor at least two years to establish himself as Prime Minister before he fights the next general election (due in 2007).”

That would be Hsien Loong’s immediate hurdle. The election would be his crucial mandate.

With a stagnant economy and rising unemployment, Hsien Loong, who is also Finance Minister, will be largely judged by his ability to restructure the economy and revive business by reducing costs.

Cutting business costs is leading to lower income, fewer jobs and declining property values. Unemployment has reached 5.2% – a historical high – and is still climbing.

The government recently announced that the mandatory retirement Central Provident Fund will be cut eventually from 36% to 30%.

Over the long term, these moves will create a more competitive economy and a leaner, hungrier workforce. But the transition is painful for many people.

All this may pose a challenge to the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), and to Hsien Loong in particular, when elections come around in 2007. Some Singaporeans fear that these hard times under Hsien Loong may result in less tolerance, tighter control of trade unions and the media, and curbs on freedom of public - expression.

Many informed Singaporeans expect a change after Goh’s exit from a collective Cabinet style to one dominated by a strong, decisive prime minister. Others, however, see a different picture.

Dictated by global pressures, it is unlikely to affect the process of “Remaking Singapore” which aims to turn it into an open metropolis capable of keeping its own, and attracting foreign talent.

The possibility of Hsien Loong taking Singapore back to an authoritarian past is virtually non-existent. In fact, he may speed up the loosening process to have fewer social and economic controls, and less censorship.

Goh’s friendlier approach has set a benchmark for him. Any major diversion from this may not be judged well. Politics, however, will probably be the last to move.

The Singapore that Hsien Loong will govern is vastly different from that of his father and cannot be ruled the same way.

Singaporeans have changed; the ruling party’s parliamentarians have changed.

Hsien Loong has played a pivotal role in shaping Singapore’s economy over the past decade with a pragmatic approach, willing to explore new ideas.

This augurs well for Singapore-Malaysia relations if he encounters a similar mind in Kuala Lumpur.

That Hsien Loong and Abdullah are not bogged down by any historical baggage may be just the thing needed to resolve longstanding disputes – and even set their nations off on a new course of history.

o Seah Chiang Nee is a veteran journalist and editor of the information website littlespeck.com (e-mail: cnseah2000@ littlespeck.com )

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