In an interview with Reuters, he said that he would – in effect – accept a drop in protocol ranking when his son, Hsien Loong, becomes Prime Minister next month.

In his comments, Lee referred to himself as the “number two” in the outgoing Cabinet. Asked whether he would retain that rank, he said: “Mr Goh Chok Tong will be the number two in the new government.”

As for himself, Lee would remain as “a consultant, a counsellor, an advisor” but would leave the title to the new prime minister.

“As long as I am alive, I am engaged in Singapore. This is my life,” he said. “I am still compos mentis (of sound mind) fortunately.”

Lee said he would not stand in the way of what he predicted would be even faster change by the younger ministers led by his son. “I am responsible for my children’s upbringing but not for my grandchildren’s upbringing.”

On the surface, Lee appears to be cutting back on his role but few Singaporeans are betting this will lead to a decline of his political influence no matter what position he is given.

Lee added: “My worth does not depend on what I am called but on my standing with Singaporeans and the weight they give to my views.

“Abroad, my established ties with foreign leaders can be of value.”

What caused Lee to pass the post to Goh? Analysts suggest two possible reasons.

A surprisingly strong surge of recent public accolade for the departing leader that was spontaneous and widespread, pointing to his popularity that can be a vote-winner.

Secondly, promoting Goh to No.2 will dilute the appearance of a father-son team in control of the government.

The power of the Lee family has become a public controversy and puts pressure on Hsien Loong.

But amid the political excitement, one man remains in everyone’s mind and will largely determine how Singapore will fare.

Although he retired as prime minister in 1990, Kuan Yew has remained a major, although indirect, force in this city-state of 4.25 million people.

Now, as Singapore prepares for another change – his successor, Goh Chok Tong, will hand over the baton to his son Hsien Loong on Aug 12 – the big talk still centres around him.

He remains a popular figure among citizens who have benefited from his leadership that changed a squatter colony to the richest country in South-East Asia.

During these uncertain times, they are happy to have him around to offer advice to the younger leaders.

“His brain and his experience are a national asset,” said a junior college student.

But not everyone thinks alike. Some feel it is time for Singapore to carry on without him. His presence, they feel, could be an obstacle to the government further loosening control of society.

“He can give advice without being in the Cabinet” is a frequent comment.

Broadly speaking, the belief is that as long as he is in the government, there will be no Chok Tong era or Hsien Loong era; there is only a Kuan Yew era – and a post-Kuan Yew era is not about to start any time soon. The unexpected elevation of Goh has come as a pleasant surprise to Singaporeans who want to see his milder, responsive leadership style continue. Some want him to remain as Prime Minister.

Goh, 63, had been expected to be heading for political oblivion after a brief respectable spell in the Cabinet.

The reluctant Prime Minister had told a newspaper interviewer that he was looking forward to playing with his grandchildren after his retirement.

Giving him a more active role is a strong assurance to worried Singaporeans that Hsien Loong has every intention of continuing with Goh’s decontrol policies.

It will also give the new PM time to win over the new generation of Singaporeans without reverting to authoritarian rule.

Goh’s staying on as second highest rank and not merely a figurehead will be a crucial balance in the new government.

Besides, the ruling party is heading for a general election by 2006/2007, an important test of Hsien Loong’s voter acceptability.

The affable Goh will be a useful campaigner; his leadership in the 2001 election had helped the PAP garner 72% of contested votes, up from 63% in the previous one.

These developments point to Singapore’s unique political system. Where else in the world can one find a Cabinet led by three “prime ministers” – one current and two retired.

Kuan Yew set the trend in 1990 when he voluntarily stepped down and became senior minister. Now Goh is inheriting the mantle.

There are other rare features. For most of its post-independence history, the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) has inducted, or co-opted, its Cabinet ministers and MPs from people outside the party.

It means PAP politicians are not really politicians who rise through the ranks as in other countries.

Its leaders are picked from an extensively compiled list of government scholars, corporate figures, civil servants, armed forces commanders and businessmen who have caught the eyes of party chiefs.

The suitable ones are “invited for tea” just before a general election and then selected to represent the PAP as candidates. In recent years, a few NGO activists who were critical of the party were recruited as political leaders.

The rewards are extremely high. This is another uniqueness. To attract the best (and to stem out corruption), these leaders are paid the world’s highest salaries despite strong public objections.

Recruiting two former prime ministers to help run a small city-state is not something every Singaporean understands or accepts.

Some speculate it is to avoid a split within the party and prevent the formation of factions.

Will it continue once Lee Sr is no longer around? Probably. Once started, this sort of practice will not be easy to abandon.

o Seah Chiang Nee is a veteran journalist and editor of the information website littlespeck.com (e-mail: cnseah2000@ littlespeck.com )

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